From the Occasional Papers of the Conservative Citizens
Foundation Issue Number Five: Karl Marx's American
Triumph (2003) Pages 6-29.
Karl Marx's American Triumph:
Climax of Revolutionary Warfare
By the Forces of Transformational Marxism
by
Raymond V. Raehn
Most Americans educated prior to the 20th Century had always
assumed that the founding documents of the American Republic, the
Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United
States, were inspired by the belief in a supreme creator and the
system of beliefs contained in the Christian Bible and that this
moral and mental framework was sufficient to ensure the viability
of the Republic for the foreseeable future. Even in the 20th
Century, most Americans continued to hold this sense of things
while a growing number of other Americans did not. For something
strange was happening in the land.
The Founding Fathers of the American Republic had no certain
way of anticipating what would eventually transpire and therefore
had no way of preparing the nation for it. But what did happen
was in faraway Europe there arose an individual by the name of
Karl Marx who sought to challenge the prevailing structure of
power and cause its disintegration by ruthless criticism of all
supporting cultural customs, traditions and institutions. In
1843, Karl Marx wrote that criticism was a weapon and its object
was an enemy which it aimed not to refute but to destroy. This was
a war warning for internal revolutionary war and out of this came
a structure of beliefs that was the irreconcilable opposite of the
Founding Fathers. It came to be known as Marxism. It would come
to America in slow, poisonous dribbles over decades.
As a result of the rise of Karl Marx and Marxism as a structure
of beliefs, America as a nation has been enveloped in a
revolutionary warfare situation for most of the 20th Century
without it being commonly recognized. During that period the
revolutionary forces of transformational Marxism have sought to
change the entire social structure of American society; to destroy
the existing social order and bring about its radical
transformation by a social revolution, just as they attempted to
do in Europe. By the onset of the 21st Century, the Marxist
mentality had permeated so many American minds that even U.S.
Presidents feared to defy the revolutionary forces or even admit
such hostile forces exist in America. The revolutionary forces
have so out-thought, out-fought and out-bought their
traditionalist opposition and inflicted so many moral and mental
wounds upon them by psychological terrorism that many astute
observers wonder if the nation can even recover from this Marxist
onslaught.
A recent book by Howard S. Schwartz entitled The Revolt
of the Primitive: An Inquiry into the Roots of Political
Correctness focuses on political correctness in higher
education and women in combat in the military as examples of the
success of the feminists in conducting a war against the American
male's masculinity. While the author does not make this clear,
such hatred of the male is actually the result of Karl Marx's
hostility to patriarchy that was a reaction to Hegel's assertion
that the family was the basic unit of society. This is a prime
example of Karl Marx's overpowering influence on America that
makes it seem to have become Karl Marx's America.
This condition requires some understanding of the true nature
of Karl Marx and his personality traits that have led to the rise
of the revolutionary forces of transformational Marxism of which
the feminist are a part. For under the evil spell of Karl Marx the
hidden agenda of the feminists has been to transform America from
a patriarchy into a matriarchy as part of an overall social
revolution. There is a 30 page chapter in the English historian
Paul Johnson's book Intellectuals and this chapter
about Karl Marx is entitled "Karl Marx: Howling Gigantic Curses"
in which Karl Marx's hatred, hostility and rage are aptly
described.
Karl Marx's revolutionary warfare began by instilling hatred of
the bourgeoisie among the proletarians, which became the hallmark
of Marxism up to current times. So Marxism became a theology for
the mass production of hate that forged a weapon of mass
destruction of whole classes of people as in Russia, China,
Cambodia and elsewhere that so far has amounted to about
100,000,000 deaths. For instance, in 1972 Herbert Marcuse, a
modern follower of Karl Marx, wrote that "gut hatred" was an
essential ingredient of the cultural revolution which serve as an
example of the transmission of Karl Marx's hatred.
Here is how Maurice Ries described Karl Marx and his works in
Toward Soviet America: The Book The Communist Tried To
Destroy:
In the first half of last century, a poverty-ridden,
hate-filled German expatriate in London unknowingly perpetrated
the greatest and cruelest hoax of all time. His name was Karl
Marx. He gave us the unrivaled catastrophe called Communism.
Marx was an unmitigated crackpot. Collecting the ill-assorted
arguments of Hegel and dozens of others, the untidy eccentric
concocted a quack "science" as vicious as smallpox, and just as
quick to infect.
Karl Marx thought his rag-bag: theory" (he called it,
sometimes, "scientific Socialism") proved that history has been
nothing more than the record of struggles between the classes of
society; that classes merely divide men into oppressed and
oppressor groups; that it is possible to point out certain "laws"
governing such struggles; that these "laws" force history to move
along paths from which it cannot deviate; and that the whole
progress of history inexorably leads to, and reaches its climax
in, Communism.
So Marx proposed to turn the world upside-down. The lowly
laborer should be elevated to the top of the social structure.
The powerful Capitalist should be pulled down from his height.
Even the smallholder on the ladder's middle rungs must be tumbled
from his place.
Nor did Marx want to stop there. He maintained that the rich
as well as the middle-income propertyholders must be eliminated
altogether. The crime was owning something.
To Karl Marx, the blackest villain in history is the man who
possesses private property; the bourgeois, the despised
Capitalist. The hero is "...the proletariat, the modern
working-class...a classes of laborers, who live only so long as
their labor increases capital. These labors, who must sell
themselves piecemeal, are a commodity, like every other article of
commerce..." Thus Marx and his co-theorist, Frederich Engels, in
The Communist Manifesto (1848). Just in case you missed the point,
they remind you that "...The proletarian is without property..."
However, they intend to remedy that. With your property.
The working-man, says the Manifesto, is to fight a "...more or
less veiled civil war, raging within existing society, up to the
point where that war breaks out into open revolution, and where
the violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays the foundation for
the sway of the proletariat."
Or, as Marx and Engels put it, soon thereafter: "...the
immediate aim of the Communists is the formation of he proletariat
into a class, overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy, conquest of
political power by the proletariat."
The words proletariat and its singular proletarian lend
themselves to some misunderstanding in modern days. As Maurice
Ries pointed out, Karl Marx applied those terms to what he
considered the oppressed working class, which consisted mostly of
males. However, in 20th Century America after the working class
proved by events that they had no interest in serving as cannon
fodder for the Marxist revolutionary forces, the revolutionary
forces shifted the focus of their efforts to radicalizing women
and minorities, blacks, Hispanics and Third World Immigrants, with
the intent that these groups become Karl Marx's new proletarians.
In the March 2001 issue of the American Enterprise Institute's
publication On the Issues, Charles Murray of the
The Bell Curve fame had an essay entitled "Role
Models: America's Elites Take Their Cues From The Underclass":
Many elites in the United States are disavowing what is
best in our culture and imitating what is worst. Some are trying
to reinvoke old norms and reverse the process, but most are
succumbing to "proletarianization." This rift is similar to ones
experienced historically by disintegrating civilizations.
Charles Murray then draws from historian Arnold Toynbee's chapter
" Schism In The Soul" from A Study of History who
observed that one of the consistent symptoms of disintegration is
that the elites begin to imitate those at the bottom of society
and succumb to the sickness of proletarianization and in the
United States, the elites no longer have a code of their own in
which they have confidence. The code of the gentleman has
collapsed. The collapse of the old codes has left a vacuum that
has been filled by tenets "that tell us to treat people equally
regardless of gender, race, or sexual preferences, to be against
poverty and war, and to be for fairness and diversity." The old
code has been replaced by a distinctive "thug code" of underclass
males and the world of hip-hop is an expression of that code.
Charles Murray then closes with the following statement: "Bill
Clinton's presidency, in both its conduct and in the reaction to
that conduct, was a paradigmatic example of elites that have been
infected by "the sickness of proletarianization".
Charles Murray noted that his statement was not, at bottom, a
partisan one. This is true. George W. Bush's conduct is another
example. He gave instructions that the Republican National
Convention was not to be a white male affair and so it became a
festival of diversity. He has refused to undo the
homosexualization and feminization of the Armed Forces and he has
made pandering in the quest for future Hispanic votes a prominent
feature of his presidency. George Bush appointed a black female
as his National Security Advisor and a black males as his
Secretary of State. His cabinet could be classified as
polychromic. There are signs that he is also infected by the
sickness of proletarianization. But if this is a symptom of
disintegration as Toynbee suggested, it is also an American
condition that reflects the influence of Karl Marx.
Inspired by the success of the Bolshevik revolution in Russia
in 1917, the American Communist Party was founded in 1919 with the
object of transforming America into a proletarian nation as was
dome in Russia according to the expressed views of Karl Marx.
Toward Soviet America is a book published in 1933,
which attests to this reality. Written by William Z. Foster,
national chairman of the Communist Party in America, it describes
a scheme in which blacks would be used as a proletarian
revolutionary force.
As the founder of Marxism and a promoter of the French
Communism he learned from Moses Hess, Karl Marx was definitely not
a nice man. His father called him a demonic genius, his children
called him "The Moor", he wrote poetry about the devil and
destroying the world, his dominant emotion was hatred. Marx
became best known for The Communist Manifesto and
Das Kapital, the German words for Capital. It is
significant that Capital: A Critique of Political
Economy was first published in Germany in 1867 when Karl
Marx's original critique of capitalism was based on the English
industrial system and Germany still had a semi-agricultural
economy. There was a clever reason for this. Having been
expelled from Germany by police authorities for his radical and
treasonous hostility to the Prussian state, Marx composed
Das Kapital as a weapon of vengeance to incite
revolutionary warfare in Germany. This opportunity came about as
a result of the failed revolutions of 1848 in Europe.
Karl Marx and Frederick Engels had drafted The Communist
Manifesto for the Communist League's use in the
revolutions of 1848 which occurred in France, Austria, Hungary and
Germany without success. As a reaction to these failed
revolutions, many of Marxist social revolutionaries such as
Ferdinand Lassalle concluded that the violent overthrow of an
armed bourgeois state was not feasible, asserting as he did that
"our liberal bourgeoisie cannot smash the military state."
Lassalle then formed the All German Workers' Association in 1863
as the first major German trade union federation and the precursor
of a workers' political party, the Social Democratic Party. The
Social Democrats eventually became the largest Marxist party in
Germany as well as in Europe and Das Kapital was to
become their bible that reflected Marx's structure of beliefs.
Ferdinand Lassalle's plan for a creeping social revolution by way
of a mass workers' movement was followed by Karl Marx's founding
of the First International Workingman's Association in 1864. For
Marx aspired to command a worldwide industrial army that could be
used to unravel the hated capitalist system of the Western World.
Since the primary purpose here is to confirm the subsequent
impact of Karl Marx on America, the 1960's Countercultural
Revolution can be posited as a symptom of his influence. It was
Herbert Marcuse, a Marxist revolutionary posing as a philosopher,
who performed a leading role in inspiring young student
revolutionaries of the Counterculture. As a result of his
efforts, interest in the early Marx arose. That is to say, the
writings of young Karl Marx that preceded The Communist
Manifesto of 1848. Becoming aware of this situation,
Professor Robert C. Tucker of Princeton University compiled
The Marx-Engel Reader which included a full range of
writing from the young Marx. One of the writings was entitled,
"Contribution To The Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right:
Introduction." Its significance lies in the fact that Professor
Trucker pointed out in his forward, it was "a consummate
expression of the radical mind that proclaims the need for a
radical revolution and the proletariat as its class vehicle." It
also comprised a formula for revolutionary warfare and stood as a
virtual declaration of war against the Prussian State that ruled
at the time in Germany.
The crucial importance of Karl Marx's essay consists of the
various elements that comprised his formula for revolutionary
warfare. Most of these elements would later become incorporated
into the structure of beliefs that would be used by revolutionary
forces in their assault on America. The first element he
addressed was religion and these are some of the things he wrote:
For Germany, the criticism of religion has largely been
completed, and the criticism of religion is the premise of all
criticisms...the basis of irreligious criticism is this: man
makes religion; religion does not make the man...Man is the human
world, the state, society...religion is the sign of the oppressed
creature...It is the opium of the people...Religion is only the
illusory sun about which man revolves so long as he does not
revolve about himself...It is the task of history...to establish
the truth of this world. The immediate task of philosophy, which
is in the service of history, is to unmask human self alienation
in its secular form now that it has been unmasked in its sacred
form. Thus the criticism of heaven is transformed into the
criticism of earth, the criticism of religion into the criticism
of law and the criticism of theology into the criticism of
politics.
So far, the elements which Karl Marx intended to use in his
revolutionary warfare were religion, history, philosophy, law,
theology and politics. He then criticizes the historical school
of law as an invention of German history that swears upon its
historical Christian Germanic bond and Germans seek their history
of liberty beyond German history in the primeval Teutonic forests.
Here Marx added prehistory to his elements. Karl Marx then
revealed the true nature of his revolutionary intentions:
But war upon the state of affairs in Germany! By all
means! This state of affairs is beneath the level of history,
beneath all the criticism; nevertheless it remains an object of
criticism just as the criminal who is beneath humanity remains an
object of the executioner. In its struggle against this state of
affairs criticism is not a passion of the head, but the head of
passion. It is not a lancet but a weapon. Its object is n enemy,
which it aims not to refute but to destroy...
The criticism which deals with the subject matter is criticism
in a hand-to-hand fight; and in such a fight it is of no interest
to know whether the adversary is of the same rank, is noble or
interesting--all that matters is to strike him. It is a question
of denying the Germans an instant of illusion or resignation. The
burden must be made still more irksome by awakening a
consciousness of it, and shame must be made more shameful still by
rendering it public. Every sphere of German society must be
depicted as the partie honteuse of German society; and
these petrified social conditions must be made to dance by singing
their own melody to them. The nation must be taught to be
terrified of itself...
By this means, Karl Marx added another element to his formula
for social revolutionary warfare, that of mass manipulation of a
whole nation by the application of mass psychology. In 20th
Century America, the revolutionary forces would apply Marx's
psychological terrorism with full force and vigor to the entire
nation so as to prevent any real opposition to the Marxist social
revolution. Marx then added theory to his revolutionary formula:
It is clear that the arm of criticism cannot replace the
criticism of arms. Material force can only be overthrown by
material force; but theory itself becomes material force when it
has seized the masses. Theory is capable of seizing the masses
when it demonstrates ad hominem, and it demonstrates ad
hominem as soon as it becomes radical. To be radical is to
group things by the root. But for man the root is man himself.
What proves beyond doubt the radicalism of German theory, and thus
its practical energy, is that begins from the resolute positive
abolition of religion. The criticism of religion ends with the
doctrine that man is the supreme being for man. It ends therefore,
with the categorical imperative to overthrow all those conditions
in which man is an abased, enslaved, abandoned, contemptible
being...
Here Karl Marx is asserting that theory as a material force for
revolution is capable of sizing the masses when it demonstrates
ad hominem, one's individual passions and
prejudices, and becomes radical by a doctrine that man is the
supreme being for man that calls for the abolition of religion.
This has come to be known as humanism. But in the 20th Century,
Marx's theory as a material force for revolution was enlarged into
a body of destructive criticism that came to be known as Critical
Theory which was widely propagated in America in support of
Marxism's social revolution. Karl Marx then comes to the apex of
his formula for revolution--class warfare--and this is how he
addresses it:
For a popular revolution and the emancipation of a
particular class of civil society to coincide, for one class to
represent the whole society, another class must embody and
represent a general obstacle and limitation. A particular social
sphere must be regarded as the notorious crime of the whole
society, so that emancipation from this sphere appears as a
general emancipation. For one class to be the liberating class
par excellence, it is necessary that another class should
be openly the oppressing class.
Here Karl Marx was setting up the bourgeois middle class as the
oppressing class and a notorious crime while the proletariat
becomes the liberating class. This formed the basis for Marxism's
inciting the proletarian working class against the bourgeois
middle class that eventually led to the official criminalizing of
the bourgeoisie in Russia after the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917
and later in China after completion of the Communist conquest
there in 1949 and still later in Cambodia. In America after the
1950 publication of five books under the heading of "Studies in
Prejudice" authored by a band of Marxist revolutionaries commonly
know as the Frankfurt School with connections to the Soviet Union,
the charges of prejudice and discrimination were aimed at the
American middle class that led to an incremental series of laws
that had the effect of criminalizing the traditional structure of
belief of most Americans.
Karl Marx then defined what he meant by the proletariat:
A class must be formed which has radical chains, a class
in civil society, a class which is the dissolution of all
classes...This dissolution of society, as a particular class, is
the proletariat...For what constitutes the proletariat is not
naturally existing poverty, but poverty artificially produced, is
not the mass of people mechanically oppressed by the weight of
society, but the mass resulting from the disintegration of society
and above all from the disintegration of the middle class.
Needless to say, however, the numbers of the proletariat are
also increased by the victims of natural poverty and of Christian
Germanic serfdom. When the proletariat announces the dissolution
of the existing social order, it only declares the secret of its
own existence, for it is the effective dissolution of this order.
It should be clear that not only did Karl Marx add the
criminalization and disintegration of the middle class and the
dissolution of the existing social order as elements in his
formula for social revolution, but these could be considered what
he actually intended to achieve and only that since any social
order has to be destroyed before a new one can be created in its
placed. Nearly 100 years later in 20th Century America, Herbert
Marcuse, the Marxist Revolutionary, would think as Marx did; that
the proletariat was the potential revolutionary class that could
destroy the existing social order and bring about its radical
transformation. Other Marxist would use such phrases as the
restructuring of America society and the transformation of a
social system, etc., but these all mean social revolution in
America as Karl Marx intended for Germany. And by the onset of
the 21st Century, disintegration in the biocultural sense of the
American middle class was well underway without most Americans
realizing it was part of a 150-year-old revolutionary warfare
process.
In reality, Karl Marx's mind-twisting impact on American
society began as early as 1850 when he was hired to write articles
about Europe for Horace Greely's New York Daily
Tribune, one of America's most influential newspapers.
Marx wrote these articles for a ten-year period from 1850 to 1860.
Marx also wrote a letter to President Abraham Lincoln in 1865 on
the subject of abolishing slavery. Marx's founding of the First
International Workingman's Association in London in 1864 led to
the founding of the National Labor Union in 1865 as its American
version. This brought Karl Marx's formula for class warfare to
America that eventually led to the Pennsylvania Coal Strike in
1877; the Railroad Strike of 1877, the Knights of Labor
mobilization; the May Day Strike; and the Haymarket Square Riot in
Chicago in 1886. Even the Boston Police Walkout; the National
Steel Strike; the Women's Suffrage Campaign and race riots in 1919
can be attributed to Karl Marx's evil influence. These
revolutionary events from 1877 onward are chronicled in Neil Irvin
Painter's book Standing at Armageddon: The United States
1877-1919.
Marxism's march through America's newly formed labor
organizations was matched as in Germany by newly formed political
parties such as the Socialist Labor Party founded in 1877; the
Social Democratic Party founded by Eugene V. Debs and others in
1898, and then the Socialist Party founded in 1901. These were
all symptoms of Karl Marx's imprint on the American mind, but
there were more symptoms to come. In 1912 Colonel E. M. House
published a novel in which the hero was "attempting to install
socialism as dreamed of by Karl Marx." Colonel House later became
President Wilson's top advisor and was involved in arranging the
transit of the Marxist revolutionary, Leon Trotsky, from New York
to Russia where he became a leading Bolshevik and head of the
Soviet Red Army.
This had the effect of placing the Democratic administration of
Wilson on the side of the Bolsheviks and their social revolution
in Russia. Another key symptom was the manifesto of the American
Communist Party at its founding convention in 1919 which declared
that "Communism does not propose to capture the bourgeoisie
parliamentary state, but to conquer and destroy it..." That was
pure Marx. Then there was William Z. Foster's 1933 book
Toward Soviet America. When it was written, Foster
was the national chairman of the American Communist Party. It was
a tirade in the style of Karl Marx and was against America and
capitalism and as the title makes clear was for a Stalinist Soviet
America like that of the Soviet Union. All of these symptoms were
evidence of the incremental advance towards Karl Marx's America.
Having been born in 1818, the young Karl Marx was only
twenty-five years old when he composed his formula for
revolutionary warfare in his fiery critique of Hegel's Philosophy
of Right. Marx had challenged Hegel's Philosophy of Right since
he perceived it to be favorable to the Christian Germanic state of
Prussia he intended to destroy with his ruthless criticism. In
that critique, Marx had criticized the Christian religion of the
Germans; German history; German law; German politics, and the
German middle class. He had advocated the disintegration of the
German middle class. In 1844, at the age of 26, Marx wrote a
critique entitled The German Ideology. He aimed at
German philosophy, or rather its inversion by asserting: "In
direct contrast to German philosophy which descend from heaven to
earth, here we ascend from earth to heaven." This was Marx's way
of denigrating Hegel's Spiritual conception of history and
replacing it with his own materialist conception of history, the
exact opposite.
In The German Ideology Karl Marx asserted that
various stages of development in the division of labor were just
so many different forms of ownership such as tribal ownership
where the national division of labor in the family results in a
social structure limited to the family results in a social
structure limited to the extended family headed by the patriarchal
family chieftains and below them members of the tribe and finally
slaves. Slavery is latent in the family. The second form is the
ancient communal and state ownership still accompanied by slavery.
The third form of ownership is feudal or estate property
developed under the influence of the German military constitution,
which gave the military power over the serfs that formed a
hierarchy. Marx also claimed that the family as a means of men
propagating their own kind would become subordinate to other new
social relations. He noted, "that the abolition of the family is
self evident." Marx also claimed that the first property in the
family were wives and children were the slaves of the husband.
This latent slavery in the family was the first property.
In The German Ideology and later in the
The Communist Manifesto, Karl Marx proposed the
abolition of the family. In Germany, the family was considered
the basic unit of society. But in the The Communist
Manifesto, Marx stated that the foundation of the
bourgeois family was based on capital and on private gain and its
completely developed form that family existed only among the
bourgeoisie. The abolition of the family as the basic unit of
society would off course, hastens the disintegration of the German
middle class. Marx also wrote in The German Ideology
that "the Communist materialist sees the necessity... of
a transformation both of industry and of the social structure."
In the The Communist Manifesto, he wrote: the
proletariat must first of all acquire political supremacy, must
rise to be the leading class of the nation...Karl Marx's belief
that the patriarchal family was the root cause of slavery led to
his interest in matriarchy. This belief would eventually lead to
a war against the patriarchal family in America which fueled the
Feminist Revolution and the transformation of the social structure
there by the proletarians of another kind.
Karl Marx's intent to abolish the German Bourgeois family as
part of his formula for revolutionary warfare that involved the
disintegration of the German middle class flowed from his belief
about the patriarchal father-led family. Consistent with his
method of turning everything German into its opposite, Karl Marx
then pursed the matriarchal mother-led family. As a result of the
constant exchange of views between himself and his close associate
Frederick Engels on the origins of civilization and its
institutions, Karl Marx became interested in the works of Lewis H.
Morgan, founder of American anthropology, contained in the book
Ancient Society, published in 1877. This joint
project between Marx and Engels that involved Morgan's studies led
to Engels' publication of The Origin of the Family, Private
Property and the State in 1884. The very title was taken
from Morgan's claim that the family, private property and the
state were nonexistent in prehistoric life. Morgan had divided
all human life into three main epochs: savagery, barbarism and
civilization. In the epoch of savagery, Morgan claimed that in
primitive societies communal life was maternal, not paternal, I
prehistory. Therefore, in human prehistory where a state of
savagery existed for most of the time and the epoch of
civilization was only a small part of this time, matriarchal rule
prevailed for most of the time. It is ironic that Morgan's
conclusion was based on the study of an American Indian tribe, The
Iroquois of New York.
Karl Marx accepted Lewis Morgan's thesis that the patriarchal
family rose as a product of private property since this conclusion
to which they both agreed was central to Marx's proclaimed goal of
abolishing the family, then abolishing private property and
finally abolishing the state, all under the heading of Marx's
"socialism" for which his revolutionary warfare was to bring
about. It was actually a formula for the disintegration of
Western civilization. And it would have a substantial and even an
overwhelming impact on America in the latter half of the 20th
Century. For in 1972, The Origin of the Family, Private
Property and the State was republished in America with a
resurgence of popularity that came about with the emergence of the
women's liberation movement, the feminist revolution, brought
about by Betty Friedan's The Feminine Mystique.
A feminist by the name of Evelyn Reed wrote the introduction to
the 1972 edition of The Origin... and asserted that
women who were "organizing and acting to end the deep-rooted
discrimination against the female sex" and wanted to know "how
their oppression originated and weather it always existed." Then
she reflects the standard Marxist mentality:
Civilized society is founded on the private ownership of
property; it is class divided, with a wealthy possessing class
exploiting the working mass. A state apparatus enforced this rule
of the rich. It is characterized by inequalities of all kinds,
economic, social and sexual. Male supremacy and female
inferiority are integral features of this patriarchal class
system.
In savage society...there was no compulsory family institution
with the father in command, exacting subservience, obedience and
conformity from wife and children...
...women plummeted from their former status to become the
oppressed sex of the patriarchal society.
Evelyn Reed proclaimed there was a mistaken notion that the
biological function of procreation was the basis of the family and
that fatherhood functions were virtually nonexistent in the animal
world. " The family in the true definition of the term is a
father family, a socio-economic institution that subjects
procreation to male made regulations, restrictions and laws." She
ends the introduction with this assertion: "The replacement of
the oppressive system of capitalism by a new order that will
remake human relations from top to bottom is the ultimate road to
female liberation. In Marxist terms, that is socialism."
Basically, Evelyn Reed spewed forth Karl Marx's structure of
beliefs as if he had written it himself. Her introduction to
Engel's The Origins... constituted an open
invitation for American women to join Marx's revolutionary warfare
in the form of the "war against patriarchy" so that matriarchy
would again come into being--in America--and thus a giant step
toward Marx's America. For Evelyn Reed had shown beyond any doubt
that the Feminist Revolution in America was only part of the
larger social revolution conducted by the revolutionary forces of
transformational Marxism to remake America into a nation of
proletarians.
The women's liberation movement, of which Evelyn Reed was a
part, was ignited by Betty Friedan with her 1963 book The
Feminist Mystique in which she stated, "the feminist
movement was a revolution." In its very essence, Betty Friedan's
book consisted of a revolutionary plea for America's women to
abandon their traditional role as wives and mother and bearers of
children for the next generation in favor of joining the
proletarian workforce. In true Marxist fashion, this was her way
of inducing the disintegration of the patriarchal structure of
power. It would also lead to the disintegration of the
patriarchal family, which adhered to Karl Marx's goal of abolition
of the family as the way to cause the disintegration of the
bourgeois middle class in Germany. Betty Friedan's maiden name
was Bettye Goldstein. In this chapter "The Radicalization of
Bettye Goldstein, 1940-2941, in his book Betty Friedan and
the Making of the Feminine Mystique, Daniel Horowitz
relates what Bettye Goldstein learned at Smith College in a course
labeled Economics 319, Theories and Movements for Social
Reconstruction, taught by Dorothy Wolff Douglas.
According to Daniel Horowitz, Dorothy Wolff Douglas was an
advocate of women, workers and fundamental social change in the
1920's and 1930's and underscored the historic contribution of
organized and militant members of the working class. She was
especially concerned about discrimination against women in the
work force. In Economics 319, Douglas taught about dialectical
materialism, the class struggle and the role of the working class
in fostering revolutionary change. Douglas mentioned what she
called the feminist movement and talked about the traditionalism
of the Nazi's attitude toward religion, women, children and the
family and said the Nazi's placed the children at the center of
family lives, celebrated motherhood and opposed women working
outside the house in professional positions. Daniel Horowitz
noted that historian Robert Cohen had remarked; "American student
activist noted with alarm Adolf Hitler's reactionary policy toward
German women which would remove them from political life,
relegating females to the home and the three K's--Kinder, Kuche
and Kirche," a common refrain that referred to children, kitchen
and church." And according to Daniel Horowitz, what made Douglas'
teachings so historically significant was the presence of Bettye
Goldstein carefully taking notes and absorbing her lectures. And
Goldstein favorably responded to Douglas' Marxist critique of
capitalism, which made her a product of Karl Marx.
When later, the now Betty Friedan wrote her book The
Feminine Mystique, she did what Karl Marx had done before
her. Aiming at American women of the middle class, the
bourgeoisie, she purposely attempted to turn the traditional
German structure of beliefs about the role of women toward
children and the family into their very opposite for middle class
American women. Betty Friedan's feminist revolution urged middle
class women to abandon a focus on family, motherhood and children
in favor of competing with men for professional and other jobs in
the work force. To support this women's move from the home to the
work force, Betty Friedan advocated the women's right to choose
abortion so that childbearing would not interfere with careers.
Women were urged to break all barriers such as the "glass ceiling"
in large corporations and in all other institutions. Women were
urged to become like men and men were urged to become like women.
In reality, this was Betty Friedan formula for the disintegration
of the American middle class just as Karl Marx proposed for the
German middle class. It was also her way of setting America on
the path toward matriarchy that Karl Marx and Frederick Engels
strived to justify with The Origin of the Family, Private
Property and the State. In effect, Betty Friedan's
combination of working middle class women who aborted their
children was, in effect, the production of unisex proletarians to
feed Karl Marx's social revolution in America.
In the chapter "The Forfeited Self" in her book The
Feminine Mystique, Betty Friedan refers to new
psychological thinking in her effort to destroy traditional
femininity. She portrays American housewives in the confined
world of the home as having forfeited their own being, their own
existence. She cited the various theories of the social
psychologist Abraham H. Maslow such as self-actualization,
hierarchy of needs, and the sexual merits of "dominance feeling"
in women. The more "dominant" the woman, the greater her
enjoyment of sexuality. Betty Friedan notes that high-dominance
women were not "feminine" in the conventional sense. She quotes
from one of Maslow's articles: "Our high dominance women feel more
akin to men than to women in tastes, attitudes, prejudices,
aptitudes, philosophy and inner personality in general..." What
Maslow and Friedan were leading up to was indicated in a biography
of Maslow The Right to be Human, authored by Edward
Hoffman. This is what Hoffman wrote about Maslow's theory of
self-actualization:
Although Maslow believed that some innate psychological
differences exist between men and women, he also felt strongly
that self-actualization involves a synthesis of traits associated
in our culture with both masculinity and femininity. In an
intriguing unpublished paper dated July 7, 1957, he wrote, "
Granted that males and females came to...self-actualizations via
different paths, it nevertheless seems to be becoming clearer and
clearer that the next step in personal evolution is a
transcendence of both masculinity and femininity to general
humanness. In this lofty state, the differences between the
healthy male and healthy females become insignificant: Both males
and females then become decisive, able to say no, stern,
initiating...and also passive, yielding, accepting and eager to
please...they both become motherly and fatherly.
To interpret the significance of this, it needs to be known
that in the aforesaid biography, it was related that Abraham
Maslow's mentor was Erich Fromm, a Marxist revolutionary of the
Frankfurt School apparatus. In 1943, Abraham Maslow had published
an article entitled "The Authoritarian Character Structure" which
was inspired by Erich Fromm. The notion of such a thing as an
authoritarian character was first publicized by Wilhelm Reich in
his 1933 book The Mass Psychology of Fascism. Reich
was also a member of the Frankfurt School apparatus. It heralded
an adoption by the Frankfurt School of warfare between two types
of character, authoritarian and revolutionary, as a replacement
for class warfare between the bourgeoisie and proletarian. From
then on it would be a method of conducting revolutionary warfare
by Marxist social psychologist who thereafter focused on changing
the innate character traits of both men and women in America in
order to advance Karl Marx's disintegration of patriarchy in favor
of matriarchal rule.
Karl Marx's revolutionary assault on mid-19th Century Germany
began with his ruthless criticism of its cultural traditions and
institutions, which set a pattern for Marxism's future
revolutionary warfare. It was adopted in whole by V. I. Lenin
prior to the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 and formed the basis of
his leadership of Russia as the Dictatorship of the Proletariat.
Lenin had advanced the concept of vanguard of the proletariat and
wars of national liberation to promote Marxism's world proletarian
revolution. True to Karl Marx's original formula, Lenin waged
among the Russians a war against capitalism, Christianity, private
property, the middle class, and patriarchy, the family and gender
roles. All of the Russians were to become proletarians, uni-raced
and uni-sexed proletarians on the path to a proletarian world of
equality. After World War II, Stalin used Marxism's longstanding
tirade against the white West for its imperialism and colonialism
to ignite a series of wars of national liberation in Africa and in
the Far East. Just as Marxism pitted the proletariat against the
bourgeoisie, Marxism then pitted the colored people against the
white West that led to the disintegration of the British, French,
Dutch and Spanish colonial empires.
The new effect of Marxism's hatred of the white West which
inspired the wars of national liberation to begin with was the
massive transfer of wealth and power from the white West to black
and other colored Africans. It was essentially the depowering of
whites and the empowering of colored people just as Karl Marx
sought with his social revolution to depower the bourgeoisie and
empower the proletariat. The revolutionary process is the same.
In black Africa, the wars of national liberation that ignited
colored against white colonials essentially became race warfare.
Western leaders had been so psychologically conditioned by decades
of Marxist propaganda that they gave their support to the blacks
revolutionaries over their own kind of people. Nowhere was this
more evident in South Africa when black leaders replaced white
leaders after a revolutionary war that used Apartheid as the
excuse. When Marxists everywhere declared Apartheid to be a moral
evil, Western leaders visibly cringed at the thought of
supporting the white Afrikaner Regime. British and American
leaders were prominent in this cringing, for their own nation had
been long subjected to the same kind of Marxist revolutionary
spell that placed them on the way toward Karl Marx's proletarian
world of equality.
For early in the 20th Century, America had come under attack
by the Marxist revolutionary forces using the same formula devised
by Karl Marx for revolutionary warfare against mid-19th Century
Germany; used by Lenin for revolutionary warfare against Russians
after the Bolshevik Revolution, and used by Stalin for
revolutionary warfare against white colonists in Black Africa
after World War II. To this commonality, another dimension was
added in America which eventually evolved into revolutionary
warfare not only by race, but also by sex and gender. Karl Marx's
revolutionary assault on mid-19th century Germany with his
ruthless criticism if its cultural traditions and institutions led
to Marxism's revolutionary warfare that consisted of a war against
capitalism; a war against Christianity; a war against private
property; a war against the middle class; a war against
patriarchy; a war against family; a war against hierarchy, and a
war against cultural customs and traditions.
In America, to these elements of revolutionary warfare the
forces of transformational Marxism added a war against white
supremacy; a war against gender roles; a war against masculinity;
a war against femininity; a war against differentiation; a war
against biological inheritance; and a war against prejudice and
discrimination. This was a total war against the traditional
structure of beliefs held by most Americans. Of these elements,
the war against discrimination would become the most important in
placing America on the path to a nation of uni-raced and uni-sexed
proletarians. This meant placing all Americans on the same level
that had the lowest common denominator. Such revolutionary
techniques as multiculturalism, diversity, disparate impact and
affirmative action were employed to achieve this common condition
whereby all cultures, all religions all races, all genders and all
sexes have been declared equal by the revolutionary forces. But
in a national condition when there is growing belief that everyone
and everything is equal, then there can be no one or no thing of
value, since value is a function of a hierarchy of worth. This is
an intentional condition propagated by the revolutionary forces
for the purpose of propelling the American nation toward Karl
Marx's proletarian world of equality
The most striking organizational advance toward Karl Marx's
proletarian America was made with the founding of the American
Communist Party in 1919. In their book Venona: Decoding
Soviet Espionage in America, John Earl Haynes and Harvey
Klehr wrote this:
The American Communist party was born as the
organizational center of a revolutionary movement. The manifesto
of the movements 1919 founding convention declared that "Communism
does not purpose to capture the bourgeoisie parliamentary state
but to conquer and destroy it...It is necessary that the
proletariat organize its own state for the coercion and
suppression of the bourgeoisie...
In 1928, William Z. Foster, then the CPUSA's presidential;
candidate and one of the top party leaders until his death in
1961, told cheering American communist, "When a communist heads a
government in the United States--and that day will come just as
surely as the sun rises--that government will not be a
capitalistic government nut a Soviet government and behind the
government will stand the Red Army to enforce the Dictatorship of
the Proletariat."
In 1932, Foster, again running for president on the CPUSA
Ticket, foretold a Communist future for Americans: "By the term
'abolition' of capitalism we mean its overthrow in open struggle
by the toiling masses, led by the proletariat...to put an end to
the capitalist system will require a consciously revolutionary act
by the great toiling masses, led by the Communist Party; that is,
the conquest of the State machine created by the ruling class, and
the organization of the proletarian dictatorship..."
These are vivid expressions of the revolutionary forces' intent
to transform the nation into a replica of the Bolshevik Soviet
Union on the way to Karl Marx's proletarian America. In his 1932
aptly entitled book Toward Soviet America, William
Z. Foster had described a programmatic approach to bringing about
a proletarian America. The most important part of this book
relates to the war against discrimination that eventually engulfed
America. In the section on "The Revolutionary Forces In The
United States," Foster devotes considerable attention to the
Negroes:
The Negroes also constitute a great potentially
revolutionary force. Comprising about 12,000,000, they are the
poorest of the poor...they are the most bitterly exploited and
persecuted element of the whole population. ...At his every turn
the Negro faces a system of the rankest discrimination and
exploitation... In industry the Negro is forced to take the
hardest, dirtiest work for the lowest wages; he is the last to be
hired and the first to be fired during industrial crisis; when
unemployment relief is distributed, he is shamelessly
discriminated against. As an agricultural worker and sharecrop
farmer in the South, he is subjected to an almost chattel slavery
exploitation and terrorism from landlords, bankers, etc. In his
political life he is disfranchised; he is denied the right to hold
office and to vote; he is refused the right of trail by jury; he
is savagely lynched by mobs of whites, led by businessmen and
landlords, and the State condones these shocking murders; in court
his word counts for nothing against a white man's; when convicted,
he receives sentences two or three times as severe as white men
yet for similar offenses...He is systematically Jim-Crowed in
hotels, restaurants, theaters, etc.; he is denied the right to an
education; he is made to live in the most unsanitary sections of
towns; his women-folk are the object of unpunished insult and
assault from the whites... The Negro masses will make the very
best fighters for the revolution.
In the forward to a 1961 reprint of William Z. Foster's
Toward Soviet America, Frances E. Walter, Chairman
Committee on Un-American Activities, U.S. House of Representatives
wrote the following:
This is the book the Communist tried to destroy. They had
the best of reasons for destroying it. It tells too much..."
It does indeed tell too much--it tells too much of Marxism's
hostility toward white men expressed by Karl Marx's style of
ruthless criticism of their traditions and institutions. Foster's
criticism of white men on behalf of Negroes set a pattern that
would be followed by the revolutionary forces' drive toward their
social revolution in America. In a later section entitled "The
Communist Party Program of Immediate Demands", Foster wrote the
following about Negroes:
The Party lays the utmost stress upon its demands for the
Negroes. It demands full economic, political and social equality
for them; it fights to eliminate the entire system of
discrimination to which the Negroes are subjected in industry, in
the distribution of unemployment relief, in segregated dwelling
districts, in hotels and restaurants, in trade unions, in the
courts, in political activities; that is, the whole Jim Crow
outrage; it demands death for lynchers, and it fights for the
right of self-determination for the Negro nation in the Black Belt
of the South.
William Z. Foster's focus on the Negroes was not an isolated
aberration of one man. The right of self-determination was an
invitation to Negro rule of the South. It actually followed the
same pattern used by the Lenin and Stalin in their wars of
national liberation in Black Africa that resulted in the
replacement of white rule by black rule and the dissolution of the
European empires. It followed the same pattern set by Karl Marx
with his revolutionary warfare to elevate the lowly proletarian
laborers in Germany to the top of the social structure and thereby
replace the old ruling class with proletarian rule. This was the
nature of the world proletarian revolution initiated by Karl Marx.
It was to be a global-wide redistribution of power. Since the
yellow, brown and black colored peoples comprised the vast
majority of the world's population, the world proletarian
revolution really meant that rule by the Colored would be
inevitable. And Colored rule in a proletarian world that outlawed
"discrimination" and "racism" as criminal offenses would mean that
the white race would be placed at risk of eventual extinction.
Nevertheless, America as a nation did bend to the will of William
Z. Foster's demands for fashioning Negroes into revolutionaries on
the road to Karl Marx's proletarian America.
The revolutionary forces of transformational Marxism of which
the old Communist Party under the likes of William Z. Foster was a
part strived to restructure and transform American society into a
proletarian nation. Complementing the old Communist Party was the
group of Marxist revolutionaries that comprised the Frankfurt
School apparatus. Coming to America in the mid-1930's as refugees
from Hitlerian Germany, they had made numerous studies and written
a series of books that became known as Critical Theory. Critical
Theory was basically destructive criticism of German and then
American societies. It followed the intent of Karl Marx to use
criticism as a weapon to destroy the prevailing structure of power
in preparation for proletarian rule. One of their main works was
Studies on Authority and the Family written in
Germany and based on an analysis of German society. True to Karl
Marx's provision in the Communist Manifesto for the
abolition of the family, the Frankfurt School apparatus portrayed
the patriarchal family as a miniature authoritarian state in which
the youth were condition to support "fascism" by which they meant
Hitlerian national socialism. In the 1930's, Stalin had ignited a
"war against fascism" as a propaganda device to enlist America in
support of Soviet policies and Marxists have used the term
"fascist" ever since to designate opponents of their revolutionary
warfare.
What the Frankfurt School apparatus was really doing was
preparing to redefine what a proletarian was in terms of character
traits. One of its members, Wilhelm Reich, had already published
a book in Germany in 1933 entitled The Mass Psychology of
Fascism in which two types of character was posed, an
authoritarian character and a revolutionary character. The
authoritarian were the fascist enemy and the revolutionary was a
Marxist until the Frankfurt School apparatus came to America and
then the revolutionary character became the "democratic"
character, i.e., Marxists became "Democrats." In the mid-1940's
the Frankfurt School apparatus was funded by American Jewish
Committee for a project called "Studies in Prejudice." It
consisted of five books on the subjects of prejudice,
anti-Semitism and personality traits written by members of the
Frankfurt School apparatus and their American associates. One of
the Frankfurt School members was Paul W. Massing, a known Soviet
agent who took his orders directly from the Kremlin. This makes
it highly probable that the Frankfurt School apparatus was, in
fact, a Soviet operation from its very beginning.
This would not be the first time Jewish passions were
manipulated in the interest of a foreign government. The famous
"Balfour Declaration" issued by the British government in 1917 had
more to do with enlisting the support of influential American Jews
in the British war against Germany during World War I than
creating a Jewish national home in Palestine. So it made a
certain degree of sense for a Soviet government interested in
expanding its world proletarian revolution to manipulate Jewish
passions over anti-Semitism, prejudice, and the likes to enlist
American Jews in an effort to proletarianize the minds and
behavior of all Americans. The Authoritarian
Personality published in 1950 was the most influential of
the "Studies in Prejudice" series. This book delved into the
personality traits that supposedly measured the propensity toward
anti-Semitism and fascism. It formed an analytical basis for a
sustained and nation-wide campaign of revolutionary warfare
against prejudice, bigotry and discrimination practiced by
authoritarian man in America. For the Marxist revolutionary
forces, this book supplemented the hostility expressed by William
Z. Foster in Toward Soviet America toward the white
practice of social discrimination and under a gloss of scientific
research it was far more lethal.
The Authoritarian Personality was presented as a
scientific study which included measuring a propensity for fascism
on an "F-Scale" where "F" stood for fascism. This is indicative
of the Marxist mentality of the Frankfurt School apparatus, which
proposed that capitalism plus Christianity plus the patriarchal
family was the source of fascism and anti-Semitism. The practical
effect of this study was to lead to the criminalization of the
white middle class in America just as Karl Marx proposed the
criminalization and disintegration of the bourgeois middle class
in the 19th century Germany. In America, the revolutionary
campaign against social discrimination led to a series of laws
over four decades outlawing almost any form of discrimination in
all sectors of American life. Not only did such laws transform
the Federal Government into an instrument of social revolution
that made the white male structure of power the primary target,
they propelled society toward Karl Marx's proletarian America.
The single Marxist revolutionary of the Frankfurt School
apparatus who did the most damage to traditional America and paved
the way for Karl Marx's proletarian America was Herbert Marcuse.
In a paper of February, 1947, Marcuse revealed his true intentions
wherein he argued the case for a Soviet Republic and welcomed
anarchy, disintegration and catastrophe as the only means through
which, in an act of revolutionary freedom, change would be
achieved...His stature in the world proletarian revolution was
duly noted in a May 30, 1968 article "The Three M's" in
Pravda: Marx--the god; Mao--his sword, and
Marcuse--his prophet. And his case for a Soviet Republic in
America correlated with William Z. Foster's Toward Soviet
America. In his 1972 book Counterrevolution and
Revolt, Herbert Marcuse wrote the following:
Destructive productivity has been the ever more
conspicuous feature of male domination; inasmuch as the "male
principle" has been the ruling mental and physical force, a
free-society would be the definite negation of this principle--it
would be a female society. In this sense, it has nothing to do
with matriarchy of any sort; the image of the women as the mother
is itself repressive; it transforms a biological fact into an
ethical and cultural value and thus supports and justifies her
social repression. At stake is rather the ascent of Eros over
aggression, in men and women; and this means, in a male-dominated
civilization, the "femalization" of the male. It would express
the decisive change in the instinctual structure: The weakening of
primary aggressiveness which, by a combination of biological and
social factors, has governed the patriarchal culture.
In this transformation, the Women's Liberation Movement becomes a
radical force to the degree to which it transcends the entire
sphere of aggressive needs performances, the entire social
organization and division of functions. In other words, the
movement becomes radical to the degree to which it aims, not only
at equality within the job and value structure of the established
society...but rather at a change in the structure itself...
This is the kind of revolutionary assault Herbert Marcuse
taught the young student revolutionaries of the 1960's
Countercultural revolution who then carried it into American
education in general. He was actually redefining and enlarging
the proletarian forces. Karl Marx's original proletarians were
the lowly laborers who he manipulated by having them believe they
could be elevated to the top of the social order if they engaged
in his social revolution. Instead of relying on workers for the
proletarian revolution, Marcuse expanded the revolutionary forces
to include demasculated males that would no longer be aggressive
or patriarchal, but passive. The femalization of the male would
then open the door to the disintegration of the traditional
structure of male power. This was a concerted effort in
conjunction with Betty Friedan's initiation of her Feminist
Revolution that was to advance the nation toward a matriarchal
society. Despite the camouflage of words, both Marcuse and
Friedan were promoting a Marxist Social revolution. But Marcuse
did not stop there.
In the chapter on "Subverting Forces--In Transition" in his
book An Essay on Liberation published in 1969,
Herbert Marcuse wrote: "The fact is that, at present in the
United States the black population appears as the most natural
force of rebellion":
The ghetto population of the United States constitutes
such a force. Confined to small areas of living and dying, it can
be more easily organized and directed. Moreover, located in the
core cities of the country, the ghettos form natural geographical
centers from which the struggle can be mounted against targets of
vital economic and political importance; in this respect, the
ghettos can be compared with the faubourgs of Paris in the
eighteenth century, and their location makes for spreading and
contagious upheavals.
In the same chapter of "An Essay On Liberation," Herbert
Marcuse suggested that in large areas of national production heavy
physical labor is replaced by scientifically trained, intelligent
workers which makes a considerable part of the student population
a prospective working class--a "new working class." In other
words, they would become new proletarians. He was thus expanding
the ranks of proletarian to encompass not only women and blacks,
but also the new working class of former students. He expected
these "subverting forces" to become a major part of the
revolutionary forces of transformational Marxism and be added to
Karl Marx's original proletarians. In his last chapter Marcuse
proposed that revolutionary change "could occur in a general,
unstructured, unorganized and diffused process of disintegration."
He also proposed the dissolution of social morality. And "the
initiative shift to small groups, widely diffused, with a high
degree of autonomy, mobility, flexibility." He confirmed this
revolutionary process in an obscure article "The Carnivorous
Society" published in Buenos Aires in 1969:
There is one thing we can say with complete assurance:
the traditional idea of revolution and the traditional strategy of
revolution has ended. These ideas are old-fashioned... what we
must undertake is a type of diffuse and disposed disintegration of
the system.
As Herbert Marcuse made clear, his revolutionary process was to
focus on the gradual disintegration of the capitalist system and
the disintegration of the social order and the white male
structure of power using his new proletarian for this purpose. It
was virtually the same kind of process devised by Karl Marx for
use against 19th century Germany. The main difference was that in
Karl Marx's social revolution he strived to cause the
disintegration of the bourgeois class to create a proletarian
America not only with just male workers as Marx did, but with the
new proletarian women, blacks and students. This was his way of
leading the march toward Karl Marx's Proletarian America.
Since the founding of the American Communist Party in 1919, the
revolutionary forces of transformational Marxism have strived to
cause the disintegration of the traditional social political order
in order to replace it with a new proletarian order. This
reflects the heritage of Karl Marx who devised his revolutionary
warfare to replace the mid-19th century bourgeois ruling order
with proletarian rule in Europe. In Marx's time, the proletarians
were supposed to be mostly white male workers. But in early 20th
Century America, the white male workers proved to be more
patriotic than revolutionary as were their counterparts in Europe.
They instinctively knew the agitation and propaganda of the
Marxist, Socialist and Communist was basically an exercise in
grand deception. As had been indicated, the combined
revolutionary forces of old Communist were under William Z.
Foster; the old Soviet espionage apparatus; the Frankfurt School
apparatus and the likes of Betty Friedan and Herbert Marcuse
redefined and enlarged the proletarian revolutionary forces to
include mostly radicalized women, minorities, students and
intellectuals. This effort to restructure American society by a
gradual social revolution was largely successful in causing the
disintegration of all former white male perverse in all sectors of
American life: in the political system, in the military, in
business, in the schools, colleges and universities and even in
social clubs. Karl Marx's posthumous revolutionary sweep has been
all encompassing.
Here are a few highly visible representative symptoms of Karl
Marx's social revolution on the way to a new proletarian ruling
order in the America of the 1990's:
A black African was selected as secretary-general of the United
Nations at the insistence of the Clinton Administration.
In the first Clinton cabinet of 1993, of 14 cabinet post, only
4 Euro-white males are appointed. The remaining 10 were women
and minorities.
At the 1996 Democratic National Convention, half of the 4,320
delegates were women to demonstrate that politics were no longer
to be considered a man's task.
At the 1996 Republican National Convention, General Colin
Powell called on Republicans to always be the party of inclusion,
to open their arms to diversity, and rip out discrimination branch
and root, this being the same kind of call made by the
revolutionary forces.
A minority female was appointed by Clinton as the Secretary of
State.
A minority Hispanic was appointed by Clinton as the U.S.
Ambassador to the United Nations.
In 1996, a female was elected as the Governor of New Hampshire.
In 1996, a minority Chinese was elected as the Governor of
Washington.
Females and minorities are increasingly appointed to the
military, air force and naval academies of the Armed Forces so
they may become officers over enlisted white males.
Females are selected as bomber pilots in the Air Force and
carrier fight pilots in the Navy and assigned to forward combat
units in the Army.
Male and female blacks are increasingly inserted into
television and magazine adverting and in movies as leading actors
and actress.
Women as well as male and female minorities are increasing
elected to the Senate and House of the U. S. Congress.
Women and minorities in growing numbers are elected or
appointed to high positions not only in the Federal Government,
but also in state and local governments.
Female "first" in the Clinton administration:
First female in space--Sally Ride
First female commander of a U.S. space mission
First female command of naval warship
First female Secretary of State
First female Attorney General
First female Secretary of Health and Human Services
Clinton administration proposed the first females on U. S. Navy
submarines.
Clinton appointed a black male as Surgeon General of the United
States.
Black mayors are elected in such major cities as Washington
D.C., New York, Dallas, Seattle, Denver and Atlanta over the
years.
The Virginia Military Institute and the Citadel are stripped of
their male exclusiveness.
These representative symptoms of the social revolution wrought
by the likes of Betty Friedan, Herbert Marcuse, and their other
allies of the revolutionary forces of transformational Marxism
indicate how far things have gone toward Karl Marx's proletarian
America. This condition has been brought about primarily by
psychological conditioning using the word "discrimination" as
Pavlov did with dogs. This use of the word "discrimination" goes
back to the mid-1940's and its injection into American politics by
the Marxist Frankfurt School apparatus. It has been working on
American minds for nearly 60 years with great effectiveness, and
even almost 70 years if William Z. Foster's use of the word in
Toward Soviet America is considered as part of this
proletarian revolution.
To repeat how this national condition came about, during the
mid-1940's, the Frankfurt School apparatus was commissioned by the
American Jewish Committee to write a five-volume project entitled
Studies in Prejudice of which The
Authoritarian Personality would become the most
influential after being published in 1950. After World War II,
Jewish organizations had already launched a nationwide campaign to
end prejudice and discrimination in America by challenging
discriminatory laws and by mobilizing the media and the academic
community to discredit prejudice. According to J. J. Goldberg in
his book Jewish Power: Inside the American Jewish
Establishment published in 1996, this nationwide campaign
was a huge coordinated campaign that was waged in the courts and
the legislatures and in the media. It resulted in new legislation
that outlawed "discrimination". Especially at the Federal level,
this new legislation had the net effect of criminalizing the
American middle class for it adherence to the traditional
standards. As such, it closely followed Karl Marx's original
intent to criminalize the bourgeois middle class in 19th century
Germany as part of his formula for the proletarian revolution
there. Over the decades that followed, public official and the
public in general had been so conditioned by Pavlov's words that
they began seeing "discrimination" everywhere. What follows are a
few random examples of this phenomenon:
In 1994, President Clinton declared his intention to ban
"discrimination" against homosexuals in the military. In a speech
on November 8, 1997, he expressed the view that the threat facing
homosexuals was bigotry and "discrimination." In a 1998 White
House event saluting the 45th Anniversary of the Equal Pay Act of
1963, he asserted that "discrimination" against women was the
major reason for the fact that women earn 76 cents for every
dollar that men earn. On May 28, 1998, President Clinton amended
Executive Order 11478 to prohibit "discrimination" based on sexual
orientation in the Federal Government.
Barbara Bush, former President George Bush's wife, wrote a
letter in 1990 to Paulette Goodman, President of the Federation of
Parents and Friends of Lesbians and Gays, in which she stated: "I
firmly believe that we cannot tolerate "discrimination" against
any individuals or groups in our country.
New Jersey's Chief Justice dismissed the right of the Boy
Scouts to expel a homosexual assistant scoutmaster as "bigotry."
The court conceded that it was ruling against the Scouts because
not to would be tantamount to tolerating an act of
"discrimination."
The Southern Poverty Law Center advertises itself as an
organization that combats hate, intolerance and "discrimination"
through education and litigation and its programs include
"Teaching Tolerance."
In May, 1999, The Office of Civil Rights of the Federal
Department of Education announced:
"The use of any educational test which has a significant disparate
impact on members of any particular race, national origin, or sex
is 'discriminatory' and a violation of Title VI and/or Title XI
respectively."
In November, 1999, a group of hotels in Houston, Texas was sued
for "discrimination" for not hiring a man with a beard.
In November, 1999, Boeing Company had agreed to pay $4.5
million to end salary "discrimination" against women and
minorities.
Alabama found that a constitutional amendment mandating English
as the official state language, which included taking driver's
exams in English, was ruled by a Federal Court to violate Federal
anti-"discrimination" laws.
The Department of Housing and Urban Development is
investigating whether the two biggest underwriters of home
mortgages "discriminate" against blacks and other minorities.
In March, 2003, the Federal Government agreed to pay 508
million to settle a sex "discrimination" suit brought by 1,100
women who charged that they were denied jobs and promotions 23
years ago at Voice of America.
June 2, 2000, The Housing and Urban Affairs Department filed
housing "discrimination" on behalf of a non-renter with the claim
the landlord harassed and threatened the white tenant because her
boyfriend was black.
The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission will crack down on
"discrimination" by temporary agencies by probing staffing firms
that agree not to send employers temporaries of a certain race,
ethnic background or sex.
The U.S. Commission on Civil Rights voted to release a report
claiming widespread gender bias against females in math and
science education that is evidence of "discrimination".
Genetic "discrimination" is to be prevented by the Equal
Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) with enforcement
guidelines for government agencies and probably for employers.
It should be apparent that the nationwide campaign against
discrimination that was launched decades ago had a profound impact
on the minds of those in the executive, legislature and judicial
branches of the Federal Government. It had a sinister Marxist
revolutionary purpose. It was to ensure the unimpeded progress of
the social revolution in America. Over the years since "Studies
In Prejudice" project was first conceived, the revolutionary
forces had gradually managed to transform the Federal Government
itself into their own instrument of social revolution by the
incremental passage of laws supposedly designed to cure
discrimination and inequality. What follows are laws passed by
the U.S. Congress during the period from 1957 to 1996:
Civil Rights Act of 1957
Equal pay Act of 1963
Economic Opportunity Act of 1964
Civil Rights Act of 1964
The Taxonomy of Educational Objectives of 1964
The Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965
The Voting Act of 1965
Immigration Act of 1965
Higher Education Act of 1965
Adult Education Act of 1966
Age Discrimination in Employment Act of 1967
Civil Rights Act of 1968
Indian Civil Rights Act of 1968
Individuals With Disabilities Education Act of 1970
Education Amendments of 1972
Equal Employment Opportunity Act of 1972
Rehabilitation Act of 1973
Equal Credit Opportunity Act of 1974
Age Discrimination Act of 1975
Civil Rights Attorney's Fees Awards Act of 1975
Food Stamps Act of 1977
Indian Child Welfare Act of 1978
Pregnancy Discrimination Act of 1978
Women's Education Equity Act of 1978
Defense Equal Opportunity Institute of 1979
United States Commission on Civil Rights Act of 1983
Civil Rights Act of 1983
Emergency Immigrant Education Act of 1984
Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986
Civil Rights Restoration Act of 1987
Women's Business Ownership Act of 1988
Business Opportunity Development Reform Act of 1988
Age Discrimination Claims Assistance Act of 1988
Fair Housing Amendments Act of 1988
Universal Voter Registration Act of 1988
Immigration Reform Act of 1990
Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990
National and Community Service Act of 1990
Civil Rights Act of 1991
Nontraditional Employment for Women Act of 1991
Individual with Disabilities Education Act Amendments of 1991
National Literacy Act of 1991
Job Training Partnership Act of 1992
Civil Rights Act of 1993
Mickey Leland Childhood Hunger relief Act of 1993
Improving America's Schools Act of 1994
Food Stamps Program Improvement Act of 1994
School-To-Work Opportunities Act of 1994
Minority Focused Civics Education Act of 1994
Goals 2000: Educate America Act of 1994
Hate Crimes Statistics Act of 1994
Women's Educational Equity Act of 1994
Adoption Anti-Discrimination Act of 1995
Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act of 1996
Equal Access to Justice Act of 1996
All the available evidence confirms the reality that the
revolutionary forces of transformational Marxism have succeeded
in proletarianalizing the average American mind by mass
psychology. This has been done by following the same pattern
devised by Karl Marx who made the proletarians the heroes of
German society and the bourgeoisie the villains who could do no
right. Marx added the psychological element: "The nation must be
taught to be terrified of itself..." This is precisely the same
kind of revolutionary process that was used by Marxist against
America. Only the definition of proletarians was changed by the
likes of Betty Friedan and Herbert Marcuse to encompass and
portray women and blacks as the new proletarian heroes of the
revolutionary forces and middle class white males as the villains
who were guilty of everything. This has been the function of
Pavlovian words such as discrimination, prejudice, bigotry,
racism, sexism, anti-Semitism, homophobism, and xenophobism.
These words are used by the revolutionary forces to install fear,
dread and guilt in white males so they will become passive and
tolerant in the face of the revolutionary assault. Thus the
success of Karl Marx's social revolution in America.
My name is Karl Marx. My earthly body ceased to exist in the
year 1883 but my spirit lives on in the hearts and minds of untold
thousands of adherents. I take great pride in this, knowing that
confirms the acceptance of my personal judgments about the world
and its peoples that became a structure of beliefs known as
Marxism. Most Americans did not really comprehend what my
adherents had done to them and their society. This was the result
of a 150-year-old revolutionary epic which I had initiated. And
despite all of my voluminous writings, few Americans actually read
them and those that did usually misunderstood them and so
concluded my plans did not apply to them and their society. They
have been very foolish and this neglect was a grave error on their
part. However, I will be eternally grateful for this neglect as
it allowed my adherents to virtually destroy the traditional
belief structure of America and then insert many of my own belief
in their place without a serious challenge. I am writing so those
poor Americans will learn how my kind of revolutionaries have come
to almost dominate their very thoughts and behavior
American scholars know Marxism as a body of doctrine formulated
in systematic form that includes economic determinism, class
conflicts leading inevitably to revolution in the transition from
feudalism to capitalism and hence to communism under the
dictatorship of the proletariat, and the predicted ultimate
triumph of world communism as a result of destructive rivalries
among the capitalist-imperialist powers. This is how Marxism is
described in the Funk & Wagnall's New International
Dictionary. This is a fair summary of what I, Karl Marx,
preached except that it omitted the labor theory of value and
other such beliefs that I used to twist the minds of men. The
materialist conception of history was another, But then I wrote
Das
Kapital for the same reason. And I had an ulterior
motive for publishing it first in German. Das
Kapital was a criticism of the capitalist system in order
to destroy it. In my war plan of 1843, I proclaimed that
criticism was a weapon to destroy--not just an economic
system--but the Christian-Germanic ruling order of the Prussian
state. Americans never seemed to realize that the underlying
purpose of my revolutionary project was more religious and racial
rather than just economics. I take great pride in the success of
this grand deception. Never in all history have so many been
misled and confused and deceived by the written word that was
mine. It pleased me greatly that my personal vendetta born of my
instinctive hatred of the Germans because of the difference in
outward appearances led to Marxism and its earth-shaking
consequences.
Americans and Europeans in general had long deluded themselves
into thinking that Marxism was designed as a scheme of progress
for the benefit of all humanity simply because my adherents said
it was. This confirms how ignorant and gullible people can be.
Even when I proposed a world proletarian revolution under which
everyone in the world would become proletarians on a equal footing
with the pygmies of Africa and the aboriginals of Australia, only
a very few realized this was a diabolically clever scheme for the
eventual disintegration of the Christian-Germanic West. But
everyone was warned. After a long conversation with Moses Hess,
the communist rabbi, he wrote that I, Karl Marx, was the one to
give medieval religion and politics the coup de grace. Moses Hess
could see that I intended to destroy the Christendom of
Charlemagne, crowned Emperor by the Pope in Rome, and its
continuation under Otto the Great as the Holy Roman Empire of the
German People. The crowning of German Emperors by the Pope of the
Roman Church that sanctified their rule by divine right as well
the rule by their kingly descendents was something neither Hess
nor I could tolerate.
There was a reason for our intolerance. Moses Hess elaborated
on the reason in his 1862 book, Rome and Jerusalem.
Here are some of the things he wrote:
From the time that Innocent III, Pope from 1198 to 126 evolved
the diabolical plan to destroy the moral stamina of the Jews, the
bearers of Spanish culture to the world Christendom, by forcing
them to wear a badge of shame on their garments...Papal Rome
symbolizes to the Jews an inexhaustible poison. It is only with
the drying-up of this source that Christian-German anti-Semitism
will die from lack of nourishment.
Social life-tendencies are the spiritual life-views, typical
and primal race creations. The entire past history of humanity
originally moved only in circle of race and class struggle. The
race struggle is the primal one, and the class struggle secondary.
The last dominating race is the German...The race struggle will
also come to a standstill. The equalization of all classes of
society will necessarily follow the emancipation of the races.
Moses Hess provided the underlying reason why we were both
anxious to seek the destruction of the warrior aristocracy that
ruled medieval Christendom that I called Christian-Germanic
serfdom. Its highest form took place in Prussianized Germany and
that is why my early efforts were to subject the authoritarian
state of Prussia to ruthless criticisms as a weapon to destroy. I
must boast again. If the Americans had read what Moses Hess and I
had written for the world to read about the hatred we Semites felt
for the Germanic world, I would have very little to boast about.
As it turned out, my adherents read every word and used them
against America. Moses Hess even related the arguments of Otto
Wigand about this racist conflict in Rome and
Jerusalem. and it had no effect. But here are excerpts
from Wigand's letter of 1858:
The Jewish face may certainly beam with pride, as it
views the tremendous progress made by the Jews in a brief
time...which is especially notable considering the fact that their
poets and writers at whose greatness the nation is astonished, and
of whose talents the entire people takes account, have sprung from
those who, a generation ago, could hardly converse correctly in
the language of the land.
and yet, in spite of these achievements, the wall separating
Jew and Christian still stands unshattered, for the watchman that
guards them is one who will not be caught napping. It is the race
difference between the Jewish and Christian populations. If this
assertion of mine surprises or astonishes you, I ask you to
consider whether it is not almost a rule with the Germans that
race differences generate prejudices which cannot be overcome by
any manifestation of good-will on the part of the other race.
...and the race antagonism between the children of the sons of
Jacob, who are of Asiatic descent, and the descendents of Teut and
Herman, the ancestors of whom have inhabited Europe from time
immortal; between the proud and the tall blond German and the
small of figure, black-haired and blacked-eyed Jew? Races which
differ in such a degree oppose each other instinctively and
against such opposition reason and good sense are powerless.
Wigand spoke a bitter truth and I know this from my own
experience. My father called me a demonic genius, yet my own
children called me "The Moor" because of my black hair and black
eyes. My response to this condition was to design a supreme act
of vengeance that was more direct than Moses Hess' reaction to the
Germanic world we were born in. In my youthful poetry, I warned
everyone that I was intent on destruction. In one poem, I saluted
the Prince of Darkness. In another, I used such phrases as: "I
shall howl gigantic curses on mankind" and "though I bring the
world to ruins". "Then will I wander godlike and victorious
through the ruins of the world" was another of my poetic phrases.
Fortunately, only my followers read my early writings and
understood their destructive implications.
I must confess what I did to fashion my supreme act of
vengeance for the wrongs I felt the Germans had inflicted on
myself and others. I devised a mental club of destruction for
insertion into their own heads so that they would indulge in their
own self-destruction. I injected disordered and chaotic thoughts
into their heads by ruthless and destructive criticism of their
ancestral and cultural heritage, their religion, their moral code,
their standard of behavior and even their worth as a people. I
condemned their ideology, their customs and traditions, their
history and prehistory, their social order, their economic system,
and their structures of authority. I would invert their image of
themselves so that whereas the Germans viewed their cultural,
ancestral and racial heritage as one of greatness, I portrayed the
same heritage as a legacy of evil, injustice and oppression. I
charged them with being guilty of these things so as to cause them
to turn inward in introspection of themselves. My purpose was to
induce a paralysis of judgment among them, dissolve their will to
prevail and create the subliminal impression in their minds that
they were unworthy of further existence. Then I demanded that
they join a proletarian world of equality as the wave of the
future which I actually meant their eventual extinction as a
people by unrestricted interracial integration and intermarriage
with the various non-Germanic peoples of the world.
I was immensely proud of my diabolically clever scheme to
administer the coup de grace to the Christian-Germanic world that
had created Western civilization. My only regret is that its
implementation took much longer that I had anticipated. For I had
originally intended that the Germans be the first to tear their
society apart with the hatred I had instilled in them. But just
as revolutionary prospects died out in Germany as a result of
Bismarck's reforms with Prussian socialism, it was my devoted
followers in Russia such as Lenin, Trotsky and Stalin who brought
about the Bolshevik revolution of 1917 during the Great War. This
was my first great triumph and those revolutionary forces had
succeeded beyond my wildest dreams. They now controlled the
largest nation in the world as a base for the world proletarian
revolution. I was really proud of the ruthless way the Leninist
and the Stalinist had proceeded to destroy the Russian middle
class bourgeoisie as I had intended. Five million or more
Russians and Ukrainians were starved to death or shipped to
Siberia in cattle cars and Stalin's great purges accounted for the
death of twenty million other Russians. This confirmed the
validity of my scheme to have the northern people kill each other
off until Western civilization was decimated beyond recovery.
My second great triumph was the American reaction to the
success of the Bolshevik Revolution and the rise of Communist
parties in the nations of the West. My adherents and followers
who comprise the Communist and other Marxist revolutionaries in
America viewed events in Europe as favorable to a Soviet-led
proletarian world. With the aid of the Soviet espionage
apparatus, more than 300 infiltrated the American government to
manipulate it in the interest of the Soviet Union. For them, the
Soviet Bolsheviks could do no wrong. Such was the power of my
idea that the leading advisor to the President of the United
States served as a Soviet agent and worked to insure Stalin
received everything he demanded from the American government.
Such demands included diplomatic recognition of the Soviet Union;
enlarge Soviet diplomatic and trade missions; recognition of the
Communist Party, USA as a legitimate political party; massive
supplies of military equipment and material after the German
invasion of the Soviet Union; and a second front in Europe. My
adherents in America had succeeded in provoking the Japanese to
attack America instead of the Soviet Far East which Stalin wanted
to prevent. This provided the excuse for American entry into the
second Great War and the subsequent invasion of Europe by an
American Army to save the Bolshevik Soviet Union from defeat by
German armies.
I will be eternally grateful to my American followers for their
influence in allowing Stalin to drive his Red Army into the heart
of Central Europe. Stalin was merely following my original plan
to destroy German military power and the Prussian warrior class
that served it. Very fortunately, Stalin then arranged for my
Chinese adherents to conquer all of China, ignited the Korean War
and various wars of national liberation in Africa and later the
Vietnam War. It began to dawn on some Americans that a major
mistake in judgment about the hostility of the Soviet Union had
been made. Surprisingly, few Americans recognized the great
mistake they made concerning the true nature of my grand scheme
which had motivated the Soviet brand of Communism. But then it
was almost too late. For my ardent followers in America had
accomplished their primary mission of making most Americans thinks
as I, Karl Marx, wanted them to think. For this I will be
eternally grateful.
Fortunately, no American official or for that matter no one
else wanted to admit in public that any major mistake in judgment
had been made concerning Marxism and the death of nearly 100
million people over the globe that resulted from my new dogmatic
hatred that drove men to commit such acts. Public officials in
America refrained from such revelations for fear that it might
make Hitler and the Germans look better that they are usually
portrayed and this pleaded me greatly. For Hitler and his
National Socialist had destroyed the large and powerful Communist
Party in Germany and under their leadership Germany was the only
major nation in the West to take such decisive action. This was
intolerable to my faithful followers. Besides, the Germans had
the audacity to invade the Bolshevik motherland which was even
more intolerable. So I was especially proud to see how my ardent
adherents shaped American public opinion to believe that the rise
of Hitler's National Socialists was the enemy and a threat to
America and Western civilization when in reality it was the rise
of Bolshevism and the Red Terror that occurred first in Russia
which caused the Germans to react the way they did. But it was I,
Karl Marx, who I proudly admit, was the guilty party for devising
the means to de-Christianize and de-Germanize Europe, the
hereditary homeland of the Germanic people even back in
prehistory, which the Soviet Bolsheviks vowed to accomplish with
my world proletarian revolution.
My third great triumph was brought about in America by my
adherents who formed the Revolutionary Forces of Transformational
Marxism. They were positively brilliant . They recognized that
my Marxism had evolved into a superior form of political warfare
that was comprehensive in nature, ranging as it did from beliefs
about prehistory, history, culture, religion, race and sex. They
also divined a root purpose: To methodically transform
traditional American man into the exact opposite of the tall,
blonde, blue-eyed, aristocratic-warrior that was Prussian man. My
loyal adherents learned their lessons very well from me. They
conducted sustained psychological conditioning of the whole
American nation by a massive campaign of mental terrorism just as
I had proclaimed that the German nation must be taught to be
terrified of itself. My adherents followed the pattern I had set
when I denounced the white West for its imperialism, colonialism,
militarism, feudalism, chauvinism and capitalism that they
referred to as a legacy of moral evil and used with great
psychological effect. My adherents in America simply followed the
same pattern by denouncing middle class white males for their
racism, sexism, anti-Semitism, xenophobia, and homophobia that was
calculated to suppress their traditional and instinctual structure
of beliefs and with it destroy all notions of superiority and
hierarchy. I, Karl Marx, salute them. For my adherents had
devised this way to bring about a sweeping transformation of the
governing order in America by a social revolution without anyone
realizing what was going on. It was a feat that made me proud of
what I had done toward making a proletarian America.
The greatest feat my American adherents performed was not only
their transformational efforts to de-Christianize and de-Germanize
America as I did in Europe, but also to de-masculate and feminize
the American political system, the educational system, the
workplace and the armed forces. Feminization of the armed forces
by female warriors was the method for administering the coup de
grace to traditional America and was the apex of the social
revolution. If Americans could be taught to tolerate female
warriors, they would tolerate anything that was part of the
revolutionary process. Americans had been brought to that
condition by being saturated with the false claim of my adherents
that "all men are created equal" as in the Declaration Of
Independence. But they very cleverly omitted any reference to the
"merciless Indian savage" in the same document which together with
the existence of black slaves presented a glaring contradiction.
Fortunately, no one seemed willing or able to connect these
actions to the "war against patriarchy" that I had initiated in my
The German Ideology of 1845, the main result bring
that matriarchy and androgyny beliefs became basic staples of the
revolutionary forces of transformational Marxism that led to the
spreading of misandry, the contempt for men, that greatly aided my
adherents drive to destroy the traditional male power structure in
America. I was immensely proud of this achievement that did so
much for my American triumph.
Another great feat of my American adherents was the use of the
Jewish Holocaust as a very clever device to spread an all
pervading fear among themselves and then among Americans in
general with the claim that the German belief and practice of
racial differentiation led to the Holocaust and therefore the same
thing could happen in America unless all distinctions and
differentiation were obliterated in American life. They then
taught that there was no such thing as race, that differences
between white and black were only skin-deep, and that Mendelian
genetics did not apply to humans. Mixed marriages between black
and white were encouraged and even blessed, especially those
between black males and white females. I, Karl Marx, was very
proud of this achievement. There were almost no challenges to
this concerted effort and it paved the way for making my
revolutionary forces of transformational Marxism the dominant
influence on the minds of America. For the Holocaust was used to
destroy traditional beliefs and prepare Americans to accept my
proletarian world of equality as their future. Some called this
"globalization". The Germans had instinctively realized from my
voluminous writings that I intended to destroy Germanic domination
in Europe and that such condition might result in the eventual
doom of the Germanic race as both Moses Hess and I looked forward
to. It explains why the German historically made such a big issue
of race and blood. But then I triumphed over America in the
psychological sense so that kind of consideration became
obliterated from the American mind.
I was extremely pleased that America's political leaders had
never read my revolutionary writings nor read those of my
adherents. If they did, there was no evidence of it. This made
it much easier for my revolutionary forces to manipulate the
political system to change America's immigration laws to permit
the massive influx of Third World colored peoples. This was a
crowning achievement . For this accomplished a major
transformation of American society by a drastic change in its
racial composition that would be permanent. The success of the
civil rights revolution of the Negroes and the success of the
feminist revolution and the success of the Countercultural
revolution together with the seemingly permanent and irreversible
change in the composition of American society brought about by
the immigration revolution, all of which were aided and abetted by
my revolutionary forces of transformational Marxism, were, in
reality, monuments to the revolutionary process I had initiated
over 150 years ago. I am justly proud of this. I owe special
thanks to my young adherents such as Abbie Hoffman and Jerry Rubin
who gave America its Countercultural revolution that turned
America's college youth into cringing opposites of their proud
forebears and did so with impunity. All of these events were
symptoms of gradual and progressive decline of the traditional
power of Germanic man to create standards and exert control in his
own lands. But this is what my Marxian revolution was all about
to begin with. So I proclaim victory and my American triumph.
Yours truly
Karl Marx
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